Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 223

This means that the development of the coal and iron industries in these three countries will inevitably drive the rapid development of the coal and iron maritime transport industry. Transporting high-quality iron ore from India to China and Japan, and high-quality coking coal from China or other regions to India and Japan, will create a new shipping market. The combined population of Japan, China, and India is nearly half of the world's total, yet their combined coal and iron production accounts for less than one percent of the world's total.

In other words, the coal and iron maritime transport industry, driven by the development of the coal and iron industries in the three countries, will be a continuously growing new market in the coming decades. Among the three countries, Japan holds an advantage in shipbuilding and maritime transport. If we can squeeze other advanced industrialized countries out of this market, Japan's shipping industry will experience a major boom.

So what kinds of cooperation are being carried out based on the markets of these three countries and other regions? More high-quality coal mines, such as Australian coal mines; more high-quality iron ore mines, such as Chilean iron ore mines; the development of the power industry needed for the steel industry, which means that the demand for copper and aluminum will increase. The Americas are the world's largest copper-producing region, but compared to the United States, Chile's copper smelting capacity is relatively low due to insufficient power and other infrastructure. Therefore, we can provide infrastructure construction to South America in exchange for them providing the various raw materials needed by the three countries. This is the beginning of a series of international cooperation…”

Chapter 715

Author: Fuchun Mountain Residence Number: 4947 Comments: 0 Update Date: 2023-08-24 12:07:41

After listening to Hayashi Shin'ichi's new economic theory, Matsukata Kojiro quickly realized that his previous relationship with Hayashi Shin'ichi could be considered a cooperative one, since he could rely on the Matsukata family as a backup plan. However, now that he was vying with his brother for the position of minister, the Matsukata family could no longer be his backup plan. Moreover, Hayashi Shin'ichi's new economic theory was contrary to his father's gold standard system. Once he took the stand of the new economic theory, his father would probably find it difficult to accept him.

Therefore, as long as he accepts Lin Xinyi's new economic theory and cheers for it, he will actually become Lin Xinyi's accomplice from a collaborator. To put it nicely, he is an accomplice; to put it bluntly, he is a vassal. If he disagrees with Lin Xinyi in the future, and Lin Xinyi withdraws his support, he will truly become a lost soul.

Although Matsukata Kojiro, as the second son, was not allowed to participate in important family matters and therefore did not know much about political affairs, as the son of Matsukata Masayoshi, he had watched his father navigate the political arena since childhood. He understood that the political and economic circles were not the same thing. In the economic world, as long as you can make money, enemies can become friends. However, in the political circle, once a position is determined, it is generally difficult to make peace, because the political circle is more about the winner taking all.

Saigo Takamori and Okubo Toshimichi failed to eliminate their rivals while in power, so after their deaths, Kido Takayoshi, who had been lying in wait, immediately seized control of the government with the Choshu faction and swiftly purged non-Choshu forces. Although the Satsuma clan was not completely wiped out by the Choshu faction due to its deep-rooted foundations, the political power of the Hizen and Tosa domains was destroyed by the Choshu faction.

The four powerful domains in the southwest should actually be considered as two factions. The Choshu faction was the first to raise the banner of overthrowing the shogunate, while the other three domains chose to secretly support the Choshu army. It was not until the shogunate failed in its campaign against Choshu and had to hand over the Kansai government to the local daimyo that the other three domains raised the banner of respecting the emperor and expelling the barbarians.

To put it bluntly, the idea of ​​the four powerful southwestern domains was initially just an empty slogan. By the time of the second shogunate's suppression of the shogunate, the Choshu domain had been completely controlled by the Meiji Restoration faction, and the lord had lost control of the domain's administration. In contrast, the other three domains still maintained the status of lords in charge of the administration. Therefore, the other three domains did not have much trust in the Choshu army, because the Choshu faction was led by a group of samurai who had overthrown their superiors, rather than by the lord's faction.

The reason the three families allied with Choshu was because the shogunate army suffered a crushing defeat in the second invasion of Choshu, and they needed the Choshu army as a banner for the anti-shogunate coalition to intimidate the imperial court and neutral factions. Of course, Saigo Takamori and Okubo Toshimichi, because they opposed the union of the imperial court and the military and favored opening the country, ultimately seized power from the Satsuma clique, which was another unexpected event.

Matsukata Kojiro, who grew up listening to these stories, naturally had this understanding: the Choshu faction, which now controls the government, was actually the target of vigilance and suppression at the beginning of the Meiji Restoration. This was because the Choshu faction was different from the other three powerful domains. Before the formation of the anti-shogunate coalition, the Choshu faction had already purged the old upper class within the domain, while the other three powerful domains mostly retained the old upper class. Therefore, the three powerful domains did not trust the Choshu faction when they were in power.

However, Ōkubo's coup excluded his main clan from the core of the new government. To gain support, he wooed the Choshu faction, which was hostile to the old upper-class samurai class. This is the origin of the Satsuma-Chōshō system. Kido Takayoshi maintained respect for Ōkubo throughout his lifetime, thus stabilizing the Choshu faction's position in the new government. As a result, after the Satsuma Rebellion, Kido's Choshu faction was able to seize power.

This shows that while political factions may unite for temporary gains, the root of their endless infighting lies in their attempts to monopolize power, a struggle far more brutal than business competition. Lin Xinyi was essentially asking him to clarify his stance in order to decide whether to support his candidacy for minister.

Without much hesitation, Matsukata Kojiro followed Hayashi Shin-yi's lead and expressed his support for the new economic theory, and was willing to promote it. He then asked Hayashi Shin-yi how to promote the new economic theory.

Hayashi Shinjiro's reaction was not surprising, as he had known Matsukata for quite some time. If he had made such a suggestion a year ago, Matsukata would probably have rejected him without hesitation. However, Matsukata could no longer think like he did a year ago. He had put in too much effort for the goal of becoming a minister, and his ambition had been seen by his elder brother. If he gave up now, he would not gain his brother's approval, but would only face more severe scrutiny from his brother in the future. This was why Matsukata had to make the decision to sever ties with the Matsukata family.

Since Matsukata Kojiro was able to take this step, Lin Xinyi would naturally help him take it. So after a moment's thought, he said to him, "Actually, Viscount Shibusawa and I discussed the prospects of Japan-China cooperation before. Our conclusion was that we must get people in Japan's political and economic circles to really pay attention to this issue in order to make the people enthusiastic about Japan-China peace."

Without the support of the people, economic cooperation alone cannot maintain peace between Japan and China, because once political turmoil occurs, the economy will suffer a blow. Opposing peace between Japan and China is of great benefit to some politicians. For example, the army naturally does not support peace between Japan and China, so their mainland policy would be ruined.

Therefore, for economic cooperation between Japan and China to be sustained in the long term, the support of the people of both countries for peace is essential. To gain this support, on the one hand, the public must share in the benefits of Japan-China economic cooperation, such as improved worker welfare and benefits resulting from industrial expansion; on the other hand, a social atmosphere of East Asian unity must be fostered, suggesting that Japan and China's enemies are not each other, but rather Western colonialism and imperialism.

To cultivate such an Asian consciousness in public opinion, a major discussion on Japan-China economic cooperation is necessary. Therefore, after discussing with Viscount Shibusawa, we plan to have the Cultural Foundation host a symposium on Japan-China economic cooperation after the New Year, inviting some influential political and economic figures to participate in the discussion, and then publishing a series of reports in newspapers to attract public attention.

I believe that Mr. Matsukata, you could present your new economic theories at this symposium and offer some criticisms of the war-induced economic downturn, thereby drawing public attention to yourself. If the public approves of your remarks, then the Cabinet can use your appointment as the new Minister of Commerce and Industry after the separation of the Ministry of Agriculture and Commerce to indicate the Cabinet's policy direction…”

Matsukata Kojiro understood the significance of Hayashi Shin'ichi's tactics. In fact, it was similar to his elder brother Matsukata Yutaka's idea of ​​forbidding him from representing the Matsukata family in visiting political and economic figures. Matsukata Yutaka was using this method to show political and economic figures that he could not represent the Matsukata family, that is, he could not gain the support of the Matsukata elders. For those political and economic figures, the purpose of supporting him was to join forces with the Matsukata family, not because they really believed that he had the talent of a minister. Therefore, once he could not represent the Matsukata family, everyone would naturally reconsider whether to support him.

The Yamamoto cabinet appointed him as a minister because his new economic theories were accepted by the people. Appointing him was a way to gain public support for economic reform policies. It wasn't because of his talent, but to consolidate the government's approval rating. For the Yamamoto cabinet, which had clashed with the army over the military downsizing plan as soon as it came to power, the best weapon to fight against the Choshu faction was public support. Whether the reforms would succeed was secondary. After all, if the government didn't exist, even the best reform plan couldn't be implemented.

Lin Xinyi had accurately calculated the needs of all parties, which gave him the confidence to help him obtain the position of minister. Matsukata Kojiro's anxiety before his visit immediately subsided. If he still failed, it would be because he was unlucky, not because he lacked ability. Moreover, even if he did not become a minister in the end, he knew that he could establish his own faction based on the public attention generated by this meeting, because the navy's support for him would not be withdrawn.

As the president of Kawasaki Shipbuilding, Matsukata Kojiro easily determined that the New Economic Theory was essentially serving the navy. Although the New Economic Theory seemed to be about peaceful development in Asia, the peace advocated by the navy and the war advocated by the army actually meant the same thing. The army needed to expand its organization through war, while the navy demonstrated the necessity of strengthening its maritime power by addressing the maritime safety issues brought about by peaceful development. Although the New Economic Theory did not directly mention this point, it constantly reminded the public of the importance of maritime shipping safety.

In other words, the more prosperous the economic development brought about by peace in Asia, the larger the scale of maritime transport in Asia will be. And in reality, only the Japanese Navy can safeguard this maritime safety. Therefore, strengthening the Japanese Navy will inevitably become a consensus among Asian countries. In this way, the Japanese Navy will transform from a defense force of Japan into a guarantor of freedom of navigation in Asia, thus lowering the guard of other countries against the expansion of Japanese naval power.

Therefore, the Navy would definitely like the new economic theory, and Matsukata Kojiro naturally assumed that Hayashi Nobuyoshi's proposed new economic theory should be a consensus within the Navy. Since it was a consensus within the Navy, then as the first person to publicly declare the new economic theory, he would naturally not be abandoned by the Navy.

What Matsukata Kojiro was unaware of was that Hayashi Shinji had not yet revealed the new economic theory to the various factions in the navy. At this time of transition between the old and new powers in the navy, too many new theories would only cause internal disputes. Therefore, he needed to first stir up discussions about the new economic theory from the outside before getting the navy to support it.

Furthermore, he and Yamamoto Gonnohyōe are still on guard against each other. Yamamoto is not yet aware of relinquishing his power as prime minister, so he still has some ideas about economics and politics. If he were to propose this new economic theory, it would only provoke resistance from Yamamoto Gonnohyōe. It would be better for Matsukata Kōjirō to propose it. As a member of the Satsuma faction, he would be more acceptable to Yamamoto Gonnohyōe.

Having confirmed that Lin Xinyi was genuinely trying to help him, Matsukata Kojiro began to earnestly inquire about the specifics of the new economic theory. He needed to deepen his understanding of the new economic theory so that he could present his own ideas about it at the symposium after the New Year.

Just as the two were talking, Mu Zi knocked on the study door and told Lin Xinyi that another guest had come to visit him. Lin Xinyi was also quite surprised that there was another guest today, so he asked about the visitor's appearance. Mu Zi thought for a moment and said, "Although he is wearing civilian clothes, he looks like a soldier."

Upon hearing that it was a soldier in civilian clothes who had come to his door, Matsukata Kojiro immediately and tactfully got up to take his leave of Lin Xinyi. A soldier in civilian clothes at this time, like himself, must have some private business to discuss with Lin Xinyi; otherwise, there would be no need to change into civilian clothes. After all, soldiers have a very high social status and have no need to hide their identities when they go out.

Lin Xinyi had no intention of keeping Matsukata Kojiro, so he first escorted him downstairs before going to the living room on the first floor to see the new visitor. Upon seeing him, he greeted him with some surprise, "General Tojo, what brings you here?"

Hideaki Tojo rose and returned the greeting to Shinichi Lin. He was now completely devoid of the dejected air he had displayed six months prior; even Mu Zi could sense his military bearing. After exchanging greetings with Lin, Tojo frankly explained his purpose: "Actually, I came to visit you to inquire about your plans for the Marine Corps' organization and training after the New Year. Also, there are some things I don't quite understand regarding the teaching content for foreign trainees, so I'd like to discuss them with you."

Lin Xinyi understood. Tojo Hideaki was indeed ambitious. Even after joining the Marine Corps, he didn't want a peaceful life. He probably knew that as an army general, without the reputation of the Saigo family behind Saigo Tsurudo, he would not be accepted by the Navy. That's why he came to talk to him.

This shows that Tojo Hideaki was not the kind of stubborn soldier who couldn't handle interpersonal relationships. His marginalization within the army was mainly due to his differing stances with the Choshu faction, which ultimately led to his isolation by them. Hayashi Nobuyoshi then invited Tojo to his study, indicating his willingness to have a proper conversation with him.

Hideaki Tojo understood the purpose of Hayashi's invitation. Talking in the living room meant that the relationship between the two was not close enough and both sides would hold back. Talking in the study, on the other hand, would allow for more frankness, because the study represents a private room. If a private conversation is leaked, it means that someone has revealed the conversation to the outside world. Therefore, a meeting in the study means that the conversation will not be made public, while a meeting in the living room indicates that there is nothing to hide.

Tojo's visit was obviously intended to have a more intimate conversation with Hayashi Shinichi. Otherwise, he wouldn't have put aside his pride to make the visit. High-ranking military officers would not make a visit unless they had a close relationship with their subordinates, as it would be tantamount to lowering their status and would make them a laughing stock.

However, after being driven out of the army by the Choshu faction, Tojo Hideaki no longer valued face as much as before. If he couldn't even keep the power in his hands, what face was there to speak of? After being driven out of the army, very few of his military colleagues were willing to visit him. At that time, what face did he have left?

The Navy used various means to reinstate him to active duty, which was a new beginning for him. During his six months in the Navy, he realized that his reinstatement was not a consensus among the Navy's upper echelons, but rather the idea of ​​a young officer. The establishment of the Marine Corps Command was also strongly advocated by this young officer.

This means that regardless of who the direct superior of the Marine Corps Command is, the Marine Corps Command's survival depends not on the thoughts of its immediate superior, but on how this young officer views the future of the Marine Corps Command. From the perspective of the consensus among naval officers, the Marine Corps Command is actually quite insignificant; the most important part of the navy is still the Combined Fleet. Therefore, no matter how hard Tojo tries, his achievements may not be appreciated by the naval leadership.

Tojo Hideaki was willing to come to the Navy because he still wanted to return to the Army. He wasn't coming to the Navy to retire. Therefore, he was eager to reach some consensus with Hayashi Shin-yi, or rather, to understand Hayashi Shin-yi's vision for the future of the Marine Corps. He even wanted to know what Hayashi Shin-yi's considerations were for his own future.

It was precisely because of these doubts that he visited at this time, knowing that few people would come during this period, as everyone was busy with their own New Year's preparations. Lin Xinyi's reaction was exactly as he expected; at least Lin Xinyi didn't seem to treat him like an outsider, something he had clearly sensed when he visited some high-ranking naval officials before.

After arriving at the study upstairs, Tojo Hideaki briefly recounted his work at the Marine Corps Command over the past six months before getting to the main topic. He asked Hayashi Shinichi, "I spoke with officials from the Ministry of the Navy before and found that they are uncertain about the future operational role of the Marine Corps. They still treat the Marine Corps as just ashore sailors. However, I don't think this aligns with the original intention of establishing the Marine Corps Command. The Marine Corps should not be used as an auxiliary force to warships. It should have the inherent need to expand the results of amphibious landings. What is your opinion?"

Chapter 716

Author: Fuchun Mountain Residence Number: 5114 Comments: 0 Update Date: 2023-08-25 12:58:33

Lin Xinyi did not discuss military affairs with Tojo Hideaki. He knew very well that he was no match for Tojo Hideaki in such specific matters. Although he had been in charge of the construction of an army during the expeditions to Tibet and India, that construction was based on political considerations. In other words, many practical problems were solved by the middle and lower-level cadres through their initiative. He only grasped the general direction. After all, if the lower-level cadres did not have initiative, they would have been killed by the British army and the landlords. Survival was the primary task of this army.

However, for a weak power like Japan, which had already achieved basic self-defense capabilities, the primary concern for senior officers was how to establish a system to regulate the power of the army and how to better command it. Although General Hasegawa called Hideaki Tojo a "boastful scholar," Tojo's research on military systems was actually second to none in the army.

The Choshu faction wanted to expel Tojo from the army because they did not want him, the top student of the first class of the Army War College, to become the Minister of the Army and realize their own ideas. In that case, the Choshu faction's control over the army would be destroyed. Compared to Kodama, who only had disputes with the core of the Choshu faction over the expansion of his faction, Tojo Hideaki's attempt to solve the factional problems within the army through the system was the biggest enemy that led to the Choshu faction's demise.

Therefore, if Lin Xinyi were to discuss the establishment and use of the Marine Corps with Tojo Hideaki, he believed he would be swayed by the other party in the conversation and would ultimately have to agree with the other party's proposition. After all, he often used this kind of conversation, but he preferred to use big goals to influence the direction of the conversation, since this was the biggest advantage of a transmigrator.

Faced with someone who has an exceptionally firm grasp on the future and can repeatedly predict success, most people will eventually carefully consider their advice. In fact, apart from madmen and people with exceptionally strong beliefs, even if ordinary people can make some judgments about the future, it is difficult for them to stick to their own beliefs. This is also the reason why many entrepreneurs fail. They do not make wrong judgments about their business, but rather lack the confidence to persevere until they succeed.

Lin Xinyi was well aware that his current position in the navy seemed to be due to his achievements in Tibet and India and his capabilities in naval affairs. However, in reality, people were afraid of the accuracy of his judgments. After all, no one wanted to stand on the side of the loser, and every judgment he made since he became famous had been correct. This put a lot of mental pressure on his opponents, and those centrists dared not easily bet against him.

Once his accuracy in predicting the future begins to decline, the voices opposing him will inevitably increase. Therefore, Lin Xinyi simply amplified these people's fears, because he knew that his predictions about the future were not based on judgment, but on a review of real history, something that others could not understand.

So, when faced with Tojo Hideaki's inquiry, Hayashi Shinji pondered for a moment and said, "When the Great Fire of London occurred in 1666, it is said that London's population was 384,000. 34 years later, London not only completed its reconstruction, but its population also exceeded 400,000. In 1715, London's population surpassed Paris to become the largest city in Europe, at approximately 630,000. By 1800, London's population reached 1 million, and in 1851, after a precise census, London's population had reached 236 million..."

Although Tojo Hideaki didn't understand why Hayashi Shinichi would change the subject to talk about the historical changes in London's urban population, he was much more composed than before after his retirement. This experience made him realize that even if he was right, those in power could silence him and eliminate his opinions along with him. If he wanted others to listen to his opinions, then he also had to listen to others' ideas.

As the naval strategist, Lin Xinyi was clearly not going to engage in idle chatter. His discussion of London's urban population changes naturally had its own purpose. Tojo Hideaki's guess was correct; Lin Xinyi quickly revealed his intentions: "...The historical changes in London's urban population actually coincide with the trend of Britain's transition from an agricultural society to an industrial society. In other words, the development of London actually represents industrial production replacing agricultural production as the pillar of the social economy."

From the outbreak of the French Revolution to the end of the Napoleonic era, Britain established the beginning of the Industrial Age. Therefore, Carl von Clausewitz's "On War" is a summary of the full-scale confrontation between Britain and France. Thus, his final conclusion is that war is a tool of politics, and war inevitably possesses political characteristics... War, in its main aspect, is politics itself, which is represented here by the sword, but this does not mean that it ceases to think according to its own laws.

However, I believe that although Carl von Clausewitz creatively used philosophy to analyze the theory of war, due to historical limitations, his conclusions about war were still too superficial. I think the essence of war is actually the competition of social relations caused by the uneven development of social productive forces in different regions.

According to Capital, relations of production serve the social productive forces, and any relations of production that are incompatible with the development of social productive forces must be eliminated. Napoleon failed precisely because the agrarian society of France, which he represented, could not cope with the industrial and commercial relations of production established by the British colonial system. Therefore, although Napoleon won numerous anti-French coalitions, he could hardly recover after one defeat. Meanwhile, the British-led anti-French coalitions relied on an industrial and commercial economy that was more efficient than the agrarian economy, and used more advanced productive forces to cripple the French agrarian economy.

Therefore, the subordination of war to politics is not a judgment, but a statement of fact. In the era of small-scale farming, due to low agricultural productivity, it was not uncommon in history for a brilliant general to lead a well-trained army to defeat the main force of an enemy state through one or two decisive battles, and then take the opportunity to penetrate deep into the empire to destroy its agricultural productivity, ultimately winning a strategic victory. The reason why the Manchus were able to take over China was that the Ming Dynasty's border military system was destroyed, and peasant uprisings and various natural disasters damaged its socio-economic productivity, making it impossible to rebuild an armed force capable of fighting against the Manchus and peasant armies in the short term. This allowed hundreds of thousands of Manchus to seize the opportunity to occupy China.

However, since the Industrial Revolution began in Britain, it has become difficult to replicate the situation where a brilliant general and a highly capable army can influence the political or regional power structure of a country. The arrival of the industrial age has led to the concentration of social productivity in a few large cities. In other words, as long as the territory is vast enough and the production centers are not destroyed, the country can still sustain a war even if it loses most of its territory and population.

Russia's defeat in the Far East was not due to the incompetence of its military commanders. In fact, even if Kutuzov were to be resurrected and appointed as the commander of the Russian army, all he could do would be to increase the casualties of Japan and China, but he could not bring victory to Russia. This is because Japan and China are backed by industrial cities built in Britain, Germany, and the United States. As long as these cities continue to provide resources for the war, Russia will never be able to achieve victory.

Therefore, when Russia attempted to disrupt the international order in the East and stood in opposition to all the advanced industrialized nations, Nicholas II had already signed his name on the surrender agreement. Japan and China were destined to win this war; the only question was the extent of the price each country would pay.

At this point, Lin Xinyi paused slightly, observing Tojo Hideaki's reaction. As the only general in the country who understood "On War," Tojo Hideaki initially looked down on Lin Xinyi's discussion of "On War." After all, Lin Xinyi had never studied in Europe, which meant that even if Lin Xinyi had read "On War," it should be the first half translated by Mori Ōgai. The second half was completed by the Army War College in 1903 with his help, and it was named "The Theory of Great War." At that time, it should still be a textbook for the Army War College that was kept secret from outsiders, including the Navy.

However, it is clear that Lin Xinyi read the complete version, and it must have been the original German version. Otherwise, he could not have quoted these original sentences so easily. After all, the translation adopted Japanese translation grammar in order to take into account the Japanese people's ability to understand it. Therefore, the translation of On War and the original German version are quite different, making it hard to believe that they are the same book.

This idea of ​​arbitrarily deleting parts of foreign original works and adding the translator's own interpretations was a common problem among Japanese translators at the time. After all, apart from science and technology books, the translation of social science works was actually to express the translator's political views. Under the Emperor system, it was illegal for an individual to criticize the political system, but translating foreign works was in line with the ideals of opening the country to the outside world. Since the Emperor had no jurisdiction over foreigners, he had no choice but to pretend not to see them.

The reason why most people can't understand "On War" is because many people don't understand the historical background of its writing, nor do they understand Carl von Clausewitz's original intention. In addition, the Japanese translation of "On War," which already contains too many philosophical elements, is even more abstract.

Hayashi Nobuyoshi's profound understanding of the conclusion of war theory—that war is subordinate to politics—and his creative use of Capital to explain the abstract theory of war, was undoubtedly a major shock to Tojo Hideaki. At this moment, he was genuinely impressed by Hayashi Nobuyoshi's ideas; such pioneering thinking truly gave him a fresh perspective.

He memorized the title of the book, *Das Kapital*, and decided that he should find it and read it when he got back. However, he quickly regained his composure in front of Lin Xinyi and said to him, "War is subordinate to politics. Your explanation is indeed somewhat surprising, but I think it makes a lot of sense. People say that I am the only one in Japan who understands *On War*, which I think is an exaggeration. However, I think you do understand *On War*, at least more profoundly than I do."

Hayashi Shin-yi did not appear arrogant or complacent in the face of Tojo Hideyoshi's flattery. It was indeed something to be proud of for a naval lieutenant colonel to be praised by an army lieutenant general, especially since Tojo Hideyoshi was one of the top military strategists in the army. So his evaluation was not cheap. However, Hayashi Shin-yi did not consider the army his home, so he did not take it to heart.

After gaining Tojo Hideaki's approval, he steered the conversation back to the question Tojo had raised earlier, saying: "The future of the Marine Corps is actually a question of the future positioning of the military, and the future positioning of the military is inseparable from Japan's international status and the role it hopes to play."

Therefore, your concern about the future of the Marine Corps ultimately boils down to this question: What kind of world does Japan need? Only when Japan clearly understands what kind of world order it desires can it know what role it should play in that world.

At this point, Tojo Hideaki understood why Hayashi Nobuyoshi could become the brains of the navy, while he himself was driven out of the army by the Choshu faction. It was because Hayashi Nobuyoshi never considered relying on anyone to change the army; he relied on his grasp of the situation to change the environment. He had always hoped to gain the support of Yamagata or other high-ranking army officials in order to obtain the power to change the army. Obviously, the army's ruling faction did not want to support him, while the navy's ruling faction could not stand against the general trend represented by Hayashi Nobuyoshi.

From this perspective, he merely regarded the subordination of military affairs to politics as a slogan, while Lin Xinyi actually put it into practice. Therefore, the results obtained by the two were vastly different.

Tojo Hideaki finally humbled himself. Before visiting, he still harbored a condescending attitude, but after communicating with Lin Xinyi, he finally understood that Lin Xinyi didn't need to win him over, or rather, Lin Xinyi didn't need to engage in factional struggles or try to bargain with him using his limited power. In the end, he would only be humiliating himself, because Lin Xinyi was rebuilding the distribution of power through politics, not by winning over powerful people to influence politics.

For Lin Hsin-yi, who leads the Marine Corps is not important; what matters is whether the Marine Corps can serve his political goals. If it does not, then he loses his value. Faced with the naval power that Lin Hsin-yi has created, he obviously cannot rely on the Marine Corps Command to fight against it; this is tantamount to fighting against the system.

Lin Xinyi was indeed an equal to him, not just in a formal sense. Therefore, his previous condescending attitude was clearly inappropriate for communication between the two. Tojo Hideaki corrected his mindset and was naturally more sincere in asking Lin Xinyi for advice. He sincerely asked Lin Xinyi, "So what kind of world do you think Japan needs?"

Lin Xinyi pondered for a moment before replying, "What kind of world does Japan need? That's something we still need to explore. I believe no one can accurately judge that right now. Theories need to be constantly developed and revised through extensive practice. It's like building a house. In the past, humans didn't draw blueprints when building houses; a shelter from the wind and rain was a house. But as human civilization has developed, the functions and structures of houses have become increasingly complex, so it's necessary to first create blueprints and then construct according to them."

The establishment of world order is similar to the principle of building a house. The current global colonial system, if traced back to history, can actually be traced back to the Roman era. The Roman conquest of Europe was actually the initial colonial activity, spreading Roman civilization to the barbarian tribes in order to transport the wealth created by the barbarians back to Rome for the Romans to enjoy.

It was precisely this repetitive colonial activity that provided the theoretical guidance for the British Empire's establishment of a global colonial order after the Industrial Revolution. The theory of racial superiority is essentially the Roman narrative of the conquest of barbarism by other civilizations ruled by non-Romans. Therefore, the colonization of people of color by white people was seen as the spread of civilization, not as a barbaric massacre among people of color.

According to this theory of racial superiority, Japan could never become a member of the civilized world. At best, it would occupy a position similar to that of Egypt or Asia Minor to Rome, providing Rome with material or human resources. In other words, under the current global colonial system, Japan's role is that of a watchdog for white people in East Asia, protecting their interests. If Japan cannot fulfill this role, it means it has lost its value.

General Tojo, do you think Japan is capable of playing this role well? Or to put it another way, do you think Japan should be satisfied with playing this role?

After a long silence, Tojo Hideaki finally shook his head and said, "No, Japan cannot be confined to the archipelago. Japan's land cannot support so many people. Our purpose in opening the country was to achieve equal status with white people. The rights that white people possess, the Japanese should also possess. If Japan is confined to the archipelago, then the massive military we have built will quickly overwhelm Japan's economy, ultimately leading to a domestic revolution..."

It can only be said that the Japanese people of this era had almost no fundamental difference in their thinking. The lower classes tried to gain some benefits through foreign wars, although they did not know to what extent the foreign wars should be fought. The middle and upper classes of Japanese people knew very well that the growth rate of Japan's population had exceeded the carrying capacity of the Japanese archipelago. Once a natural disaster occurred, it would cause great chaos. Therefore, foreign expansion was the best way out for Japan.

Although Hideaki Tojo advocated that the military should be subordinate to politics, his position on foreign expansion was not much different from that of Yamagata and other Choshu factions. The only difference was that Tojo advocated that such foreign expansion should be coordinated by the government, rather than led by the military.

From this perspective, Tojo Hideaki had actually seen some signs of industrial-age warfare: wars between industrialized nations would become a contest of national strength, making it difficult to cope with such total wars relying solely on the military. Hayashi Shinji didn't expect to change Tojo Hideaki's perception; he was simply ensuring that these people didn't place all their bets on war.

Chapter 717

Author: Fuchun Mountain Residence Number: 5020 Comments: 0 Update Date: 2023-08-26 12:03:46

Seeing that Tojo Hideaki's thinking had veered in the direction he had given, Lin Xinyi went along with it and said, "Therefore, there is actually only one way out for Japan: not to follow behind the white people as a hunting dog that can be discarded at any time, but to become a pioneer against the theory of racial superiority and inferiority, and to speak out for all nations and regions with backward productive forces."

We acknowledge that uneven development of social productive forces leads to the progress and backwardness of regional civilizations, but we do not believe that the progress and backwardness of regional civilizations are caused by racial superiority or inferiority. Therefore, the solution to changing the culture and politics of backward ethnic groups and regions is to develop the social productive forces of these ethnic groups and regions, rather than turning them into slaves of a superior race.

Therefore, what Japan needs is a world where everyone is equal. We can accept competition, but we oppose the invasion and enslavement of other peoples by those who develop first. In the Chinese cultural sphere, education is the best way to spread civilization; this is the biggest difference between Eastern and Western civilizations. Only in a world where everyone is equal will Japan not have to worry about becoming the next Native American.

To achieve such a world, Japan must become a disseminator of advanced social productivity and a leader in combating racism, thus clarifying the role of the military. We will cultivate and support national independence activists who oppose colonialism, teaching them how to fight against colonialists and racists.

The indigenous peoples of the Philippines, Vietnam, and the islands of Southeast Asia are all people we should support. Their struggles against colonialism and imperialism in their regions, until they achieve national self-liberation, will ultimately force European colonial powers to retreat from Asia, and Japan will enter these regions as the leader of the Asian national unity.

White people make up less than a quarter of the global population, and the population of advanced industrialized countries is only half of the white population. The white bourgeoisie who rule these advanced industrialized countries doesn't even make up one-tenth of their population. Meanwhile, three-quarters of the world's enslaved people of color yearn for national liberation and independence. Even the white proletariat opposes the oppression of them by the white propertied class. Therefore, if Japan were to engage in the global cause of national liberation, we would create countless jobs, and Japan's population would seem too small, not too large…

At this point, Hideaki Tojo realized that he no longer needed to ask about the teaching methods at the Marine Corps School. Before coming here, he had thought it was a problem because the Marine Corps School did not focus its main teaching on combat, but instead included a large number of courses unrelated to combat. He had always felt that such a curriculum could not train the officers needed by the Marine Corps.

However, after hearing Lin Xinyi's words, he finally realized that the curriculum of the Marine Corps School was indeed not designed to train officers for the Marine Corps, but to train commanders capable of independent combat for those national independence activists. That is why the school's curriculum focused heavily on propaganda, base construction, and intelligence gathering. These courses, which made him uncomfortable, were indeed more important than combat skills for a nationalist who had returned to China to launch a national independence struggle.

From the perspective of Japanese military personnel, the curriculum of the Naval Landing School was highly problematic. However, considering the role Japan should play in the new world, as advocated by Hayashi Nobuyoshi, these courses clearly aligned with Japan's national interests. Hayashi Nobuyoshi did not provide a specific explanation, but rather naturally resolved his doubts by discussing Japan's positioning in the international order.

Similarly, many of the questions he had before coming here are no longer problems after Japan's international position has been clarified. These questions have been resolved under the guidance of this goal. Their existence is the result of Hayashi Nobuyoshi's efforts to push the navy toward this goal. Although he does not know how Hayashi Nobuyoshi did this, there is no doubt that Hayashi Nobuyoshi had already guided the navy onto this path before fully stating his political views.

Tojo Hideaki judged that the navy did not understand Hayashi Nobuyoshi's political views because he knew that many naval officers shared the same views as the army: Japan needed to become a European-style colonial empire to survive in this dog-eat-dog world. Therefore, they were not really concerned about the pan-Asianism advocated by those politicians; they were more willing to use the banner of pan-Asianism to turn Asian countries into Japanese colonies, thereby establishing their envisioned Greater Japanese Empire, a replica of the British Empire.

If Hayashi Shin-yi had emphasized from the beginning that Japan was the liberator of all Asian peoples, he would undoubtedly have been attacked by the mainstream of the navy. After all, although the navy emphasized the sea as the master and the land as the servant, its ambitions for the Korean Peninsula and Liaodong Peninsula were not fundamentally different from those of the army. The only difference was that the navy emphasized the control of the coastal areas and then forced the inland areas to submit, while the army emphasized complete control. Ports were just key points for connecting with the mainland, and the navy was just a security fleet to protect these sea routes.

This unity in external expansion was the ideological foundation for the close cooperation between the army and navy in the Sino-Japanese War and the Russo-Japanese War. However, the growing divergence between the army and navy now indicates that the navy is considering new methods of external expansion, namely, methods beyond military conquest.

This indicates that Lin Xinyi had actually begun to reverse the mainstream thinking in the navy, and it was a subtle correction. The expansionists lost control of the navy's development direction without even initiating a debate. If those hardline expansionists had known Lin Xinyi's political views from the beginning, they clearly wouldn't have allowed him to do these things.

Tojo Hideaki made this judgment because he had personal experience with it. He disagreed with the factional struggles within the army, so he went to Yamagata Aritomo to offer his advice. As a result, he became the public enemy of the Choshu faction. After General Kodama's death, he was even expelled from the army. During this period, he was unable to accomplish any idea of ​​eliminating factional struggles within the army because whatever he did was opposed by the core members of the Choshu faction.

It's not that there weren't supporters of his in the army, but under the suppression of the Choshu faction, these supporters dared not stand up against them. Therefore, he wasted his time on wrangling with the Choshu faction. If Lin Xinyi had followed the same approach, the cultural education program probably wouldn't have been established. However, the cultural education program has now become the stronghold of the reformists in the navy. All reform proposals are first disseminated to the entire navy through the cultural education program. Conversely, the navy's expansionists have lost their unified voice, creating a power imbalance in public opinion.

However, by this point, even Hideaki Tojo would not deny Hayashi Nobuyoshi's political views, because this was no longer Hayashi Nobuyoshi's personal opinion, but the position of a group within the navy. Perhaps many in this group did not really believe that Japan could lead the various Asian peoples to victory against the European white powers, but this group was gaining control over the navy's direction through this political ideology.

For example, Hideaki Tojo himself previously had a lot of uncertainty about the future of the Marine Corps, but now as long as he is aligned with the political ideals proposed by Shin-Yi Lin, the Marine Corps can find its future direction and will not even need to seek the support of any powerful figures.

As Lin Xinyi ultimately concluded, "...Therefore, the future of the Marine Corps depends on whether the Marine Corps clearly understands Japan's national identity. Once this is clear, the Marine Corps will know that it is not about what space the Marine Corps needs the Navy to give it, but rather that the Marine Corps should make the Navy its backing. The main responsibility of the Marine Corps is to lead and promote the self-liberation of all Asian nations."

If Hideaki Tojo insists on Japan's expansionist stance, then the Marine Corps will neither be able to compete with the Army nor have any say in the issue of maritime supremacy. Simply put, the Marine Corps is not a key player in either continental or maritime policy. Tojo knew he had been persuaded by Shin-Yi Hayashi, because he would gain nothing by adhering to expansionism, but by aligning with Hayashi, the Marine Corps Command could transform from a secondary unit of the Navy into a true core department.

Compared to others, he could actually understand Hayashi Shinichi's military strategy better. In effect, it turned the Marine Corps into a channel for Japan to export revolution. Although the navy's primary duty was to control the sea, the Combined Fleet couldn't just launch attacks at every turn. In fact, even without considering confrontations with world superpowers like the British Royal Navy, the Japanese navy couldn't afford frequent conflicts with those first-rate powers. Warships are consumables, and any naval battle could bring unpredictable losses. The destruction of the Russian Navy's main fleet illustrated this point. For a country like Japan with limited national strength, losing even a few capital ships would be a serious blow.

This is why the Army's continental policy was able to prevail. Compared to the Navy, the Army could withstand more losses. After all, recruiting a soldier only costs a postcard. Although the cost of a division is equivalent to that of a capital ship, if the war is lost, the division cannot be completely wiped out, but the warship will really be lost.

Therefore, the army is bolder in its foreign expansion, while the navy is more cautious. However, the situation changes when the revolution is exported through the Marine Corps. This method of export is more economical than that of the army, since it is foreigners who die, not Japanese. As a result, the navy will inevitably have to rely on the Marine Corps to maintain its foreign exports during peacetime. This has become a way for the navy to intervene in overseas affairs in peacetime, and it even bypasses the permission of the government and the Diet, and is completely in the hands of the navy itself.

Frankly speaking, this is actually a concept of the army stationing troops overseas. However, the army regards this action as a self-defense necessity for overseas troops to deal with local anti-Japanese actions. This way, it can bypass the restrictions on war stipulated by the constitution. The emperor has the right to decide on war, while the government and the Diet decide on the allocation of funds for war. This means that the military cannot launch wars at will. The army believes that war is only related to the military, so it emphasizes the principle of equality between military strategy and political strategy.

However, Lin Xinyi didn't even bother with formalities. He used direct political appeals and the nationalist sentiments of the colonized peoples to mobilize independence advocates from various nations to fight against the Western powers. The Emperor, the government, and the Diet lost their ability to interfere with the naval export revolution because it was a teaching issue, not a political one.

In addition, Tojo Hideaki also saw a path to revenge against the Choshu faction: to use the national liberation movement to eliminate the army's continental policy, thereby allowing the Marine Corps to seize the army's right to speak on foreign affairs during peacetime, turning the army into a true national defense force, and losing its power to interfere in foreign policy. If this goal were achieved, then the Choshu faction, led by Yamagata Aritomo, would become the culprits for the army's decline, and would naturally lose their qualification to lead the army. This was far more aboveboard and feasible than any other means of revenge he had previously considered.

After returning from Lin Xinyi's home, Tojo Hideaki locked himself in his study to organize his conversation with Lin Xinyi and clarify the future development direction of the Marine Corps. He was so engrossed that he hardly went out during the New Year, until Yamaguchi Keizo came to visit him, at which point he came out of his study.

As Tojo's best friend in the army, Yamaguchi, like Tojo, held a position of opposition. Similarly, he was attacked by the Choshu faction, just like Tojo. However, the Navy's appointment of Tojo Hideaki led to objections within the army to the Choshu faction's approach, which they felt was simply making the navy laugh at them. In order to prevent Yamaguchi Keizō from being won over by the navy, the Choshu faction's treatment of Yamaguchi finally eased up a bit.

Although his own situation had improved somewhat, Yamaguchi could no longer change his stance and bow to the Choshu faction. He knew very well that this was merely a temporary measure by the Choshu faction, and that once the doubts about the Choshu faction within the army subsided, they would still settle scores with him. Tojo's forced retirement had already demonstrated that the Choshu faction could not tolerate any voices in the military that directly challenged them.

In fact, Yamaguchi and Tojo were not against the Choshu faction, but rather against the factionalism within the army. They were not the true anti-Choshu forces in the military. However, in order to make an example of them, the Choshu faction pushed them out to deter other potential anti-Choshu forces with their fate. This already demonstrates the Choshu faction's domineering stance.

How could Yamaguchi expect the Choshu faction, under pressure from the Navy, to repent and change their monopolistic position in the Army? This was merely a temporary compromise made by the Choshu faction to the non-Choshu faction within the Army because they couldn't handle the criticism from within the Army. Therefore, after this turmoil, Yamaguchi became a staunch anti-Choshu figure, rather than a progressive who opposed factional struggles from the perspective of the Army as a whole.